Weber, for example, relies on Nietzsche's perspectivism by maintaining that objectivity is still possible—but only after a particular perspective, value, or end has been established. Among his critique of traditional philosophy of Kant , Descartes and Plato in Beyond Good and Evil , Nietzsche attacked thing in itself and cogito ergo sum "I think, therefore I am" as unfalsifiable beliefs based on naive acceptance of previous notions and fallacies.
While criticizing nihilism and Nietzsche together as a sign of general decay,  he still commends him for recognizing psychological motives behind Kant and Hume 's moral philosophy: .
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For it was Nietzsche's historic achievement to understand more clearly than any other philosopher In Beyond Good and Evil and On the Genealogy of Morality , Nietzsche's genealogical account of the development of modern moral systems occupies a central place. For Nietzsche, a fundamental shift took place during human history from thinking in terms of good and bad toward good and evil. The initial form of morality was set by a warrior aristocracy and other ruling castes of ancient civilizations.
Aristocratic values of good and bad coincided with and reflected their relationship to lower castes such as slaves. Nietzsche presents this "master morality" as the original system of morality—perhaps best associated with Homeric Greece. To be "good" was to be happy and to have the things related to happiness: wealth, strength, health, power, etc.
To be "bad" was to be like the slaves the aristocracy ruled over: poor, weak, sick, pathetic—an object of pity or disgust rather than hatred. Here, value emerges from the contrast between good and evil: good being associated with other-worldliness, charity, piety, restraint, meekness, and submission; and evil seen as worldly, cruel, selfish, wealthy, and aggressive. Nietzsche sees slave morality as pessimistic and fearful, values for them serving only to ease the existence for those who suffer from the very same thing.
He associates slave-morality with the Jewish and Christian traditions, in a way that slave-morality is born out of the ressentiment of slaves. Nietzsche argued that the idea of equality allowed slaves to overcome their own condition without hating themselves. And by denying the inherent inequality of people such as success, strength, beauty or intelligence , slaves acquired a method of escape, namely by generating new values on the basis of rejecting something that was seen as a perceived source of frustration.
It was used to overcome the slave's own sense of inferiority before the better-off masters.
It does so by making out slave weakness to be a matter of choice, by, e. The "good man" of master morality is precisely the "evil man" of slave morality, while the "bad man" is recast as the "good man". Nietzsche sees the slave-morality as a source of the nihilism that has overtaken Europe. Modern Europe and Christianity exist in a hypocritical state due to a tension between master and slave morality, both values contradictorily determining, to varying degrees, the values of most Europeans who are " motley ".
Nietzsche calls for exceptional people to no longer be ashamed of their uniqueness in the face of a supposed morality-for-all, which he deems to be harmful to the flourishing of exceptional people. He cautions, however, that morality, per se, is not bad; it is good for the masses, and should be left to them.
Exceptional people, on the other hand, should follow their own "inner law". A favorite motto of Nietzsche, taken from Pindar , reads: "Become what you are. A long standing assumption about Nietzsche is that he preferred master over slave morality. However, the Nietzsche scholar Walter Kaufmann rejected this interpretation, writing that Nietzsche's analyses of these two types of morality were only used in a descriptive and historic sense, they were not meant for any kind of acceptance or glorifications.
He linked the "salvation and future of the human race with the unconditional dominance"  of master morality and called master morality "a higher order of values, the noble ones, those that say Yes to life, those that guarantee the future. In Daybreak , Nietzsche begins his "Campaign against Morality". Nietzsche's concept " God is dead " applies to the doctrines of Christendom, though not to all other faiths: he claimed that Buddhism is a successful religion that he compliments for fostering critical thought.
Art as the single superior counterforce against all will to negation of life, art as the anti-Christian, anti-Buddhist, anti-Nihilist par excellence. Nietzsche claimed that the Christian faith as practised was not a proper representation of Jesus' teachings, as it forced people merely to believe in the way of Jesus but not to act as Jesus did, in particular his example of refusing to judge people, something that Christians had constantly done the opposite of. Christianity is called the religion of pity.
Pity stands opposed to the tonic emotions which heighten our vitality: it has a depressing effect.gitlab.dev.parkseason.ru/map.php
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We are deprived of strength when we feel pity. That loss of strength which suffering as such inflicts on life is still further increased and multiplied by pity. Pity makes suffering contagious. In Ecce Homo Nietzsche called the establishment of moral systems based on a dichotomy of good and evil a "calamitous error",  and wished to initiate a re-evaluation of the values of the Judeo-Christian world. While Nietzsche attacked the principles of Judaism , he was not antisemitic : in his work On the Genealogy of Morality , he explicitly condemns antisemitism, and points out that his attack on Judaism was not an attack on contemporary Jewish people but specifically an attack upon the ancient Jewish priesthood whom he claims antisemitic Christians paradoxically based their views upon.
The moment that this pretension is abandoned, the sword will drop from our grasp, and we shall be ready to enter into treaties of amnesty and commerce that cannot but be mutually beneficial. So long as this pretension is maintained, with a firm reliance on that Divine Power which covers with its protection the just cause, we must continue to struggle for our inherent right to freedom, independence, and self government. As usual, the other side of the story — the side that reflects poorly on the government — somehow gets lost. Maybury, The Abe Lincoln Hoax So the case stands, and under all the passion of the parties and the cries of battle lie the two chief moving causes of the struggle.
Union means so many millions a year lost to the South; secession means the loss of the same millions to the North. The love of money is the root of this as of many many other evils … the quarrel between North and South is, as it stands, solely a fiscal quarrel. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right — a right which we hope and believe is to liberate the world.
Nor is this right confined to cases in which the whole people of an existing government may choose to exercise it. Any portion of such people, that can, may revolutionize, and make their own of so much of the territory as they inhabit. That is just another form of administration. True federalism is when the people of the states set limits to the central government. Fundamentally, federalism means states rights. The cause of states rights is the cause of liberty. They rise or fall together.
Mencken The future inhabitants of [both] the Atlantic and Mississippi states will be our sons.
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We think we see their happiness in their union, and we wish it. Events may prove otherwise; and if they see their interest in separating why should we take sides? God bless them both, and keep them in union if it be for their good, but separate them if it be better. The silver lining is, secession will probably become more feasible. If one of the States chose to withdraw its name from the contract, it would be difficult to disprove its right of doing so … — Alex de Tocqueville, Democracy In America If [the Declaration of Independence] justifies the secession from the British empire of 3,, of colonists in , we do not see why it would not justify the secession of 5,, of Southrons from the Federal Union in Its states assume too little responsibility for the solution of their own social, economic, and political problems.
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So starved for revenue are our states that they are all too willing to abdicate to the federal government their responsibilities for public education, criminal justice, employment, and environmental protection. Fine tuning or patch our badly crippled political system will do little to turn the situation around.
There is only one solution to the problems of America — peaceful dissolution, not piecemeal devolution. Willimon, Downsizing the U. The error is in the assumption that the General Government is a party to the constitutional compact. The States … formed the compact, acting as sovereign and independent communities. Calhoun The procedure of secession was to have an election for delegates to a state convention, to meet in convention, and to adopt ordinances of secession.
This was done in accord with the Southern understanding of what would be in keeping with the United States Constitution. It had, after all, been ratified by the states acting through conventions. Its founders did not look to its preservation by force; but the chain they wove to bind these States together was one of love and mutual good offices … — Jefferson Davis If you would not confront your neighbor and demand his money at the point of a gun to solve every new problem that may appear in your life, you should not allow the government to do it for you.
Simon A democracy is a place where numerous elections are held, at great cost, without issues, and with interchangeable candidates.
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An unarmed person is a subject. A gun in the hand is better than a cop on the phone. Six-shooter: The original point and click interface. If guns are outlawed, can we use swords? If guns cause crime, then pencils cause misspelled words. If guns cause crime, then matches cause arson. Free men do not ask permission to bear arms. Those who trade liberty for security have neither.
The Second Amendment is in place in case they ignore the others. Guns only have two enemies: Rust and Politicians. Know guns, Know peace and safety. No guns, no peace nor safety. Assault is a behavior, not a device. Criminals love gun control — it makes their jobs safer. Only a government that is afraid of its citizens tries to control them. You only have the rights you are willing to fight for. It does not prescribe the conduct of private individuals, only the conduct of the government.
Good liberals steal it. And so Congress does, even though its profligacy has placed the nation in great economic peril. ME We have rights, as individuals, to give as much of our own money as we please to charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate a dollar of public money. You have to catch it yourself. Universal peace is declared, and the foxes have a sincere interest in prolonging the lives of the poultry.
It still is its main bulwark. Now they come looking for free health care, free education, and a free lunch. Government rewards it. Limiting government is the single most important instrument for guaranteeing liberty. They know the words, but they have not learned the tune.